"Fascism as a mass movement." excerpt from Arthur Rosenberg. 
1. Precedents and pogroms
The touching story of Adolf Hitler and his first six
followers, with whom he founded the party, and how those first six men
became a million, then
six million, then in thirteen, and then forty, and then
in the entire German people. .., that story is part of the repertoire of speakers
inevitable Nazis. Mussolini has
another similar story. But like the Duce's most impressive and magnificent
its pale imitation, the "Führer"
also the beginning of that game were more sumptuous.
On March 23, 1919 was at the School of Commerce of Milan
145 attending the first congress of the Italian fascists.
But here the growth was impressive: of the 145
scarce, so many thousands, then millions and finally, if we are to believe
speakers and official statistics, the whole nation
Italian.
indeed surprising that a handful of men to become
in mass movement that swept entire nations.
were not only supporters of dictators but also many of his enemies who believed
consider a miracle.
many people who wrote about fascism had ever heard talk
sociology or Marxist doctrine of class
. Thus began looking for the class, or better said, the human stratum
giving birth those wonders. Unfortunately,
the theory of social classes is not as simple as it seems at first sight
. Anyone can sit at the piano and bludgeon
keys, but that still does not make one a musician
. Similarly, juggling classes are not yet
sociological analysis, let alone Marxists.
Almost always, the fans gave sociologists to find out who that mysterious
class that helped Hitler and Mussolini in
achieving its triumphs was the petty bourgeoisie. The greengrocer
Juan Pérez acquired a stature so diabolical with a hand holding
the proletariat, and the other to capital
personifies the nation and dominated the twentieth century. But John Doe in
person may be a true hero, may have deserved all the awards
in the trenches, or may be
boxing champion of his neighborhood. But here is Juan Perez as
person, but Perez and greengrocer, as petty bourgeois.
That the petty bourgeoisie as a class has been able to conquer
Germany, Italy, Poland, Austria and
dozen countries, and that the whole world is in danger of becoming
'petty bourgeois', not longer something strange. There
in European history a time when the small
bourgeoisie as a class, ie, the master craftsmen and small traders
grouped in their guilds, dominated
effectively and decisively the economy and production.
occurred during the last centuries of the Middle Ages, then there was
proletariat and capitalism in the modern sense.
was the golden age of craftsmanship.
But even that time when artisans were on hand all
economic and ideological victories, could dominate a single
of the great European nations. While it is true that
mania in Germany, the unions were seized power in a few cities nationwide
suffered appalling losses at the hands of the landed aristocracy
and when the cities were really
political and military power, as the Hanseatic, their masters not
were craftsmen, but the patrician families of large traders.
Since 1500, the petty bourgeoisie has been losing
social importance to each generation. Years ago, crafts
still had a golden path, and manual work without
machines produce all values. However, the petty bourgeois
was too weak to seize power. And today día, en la
época de la producción en cadena, del aeroplano y de la electricidad,
¿quién nos hará creer que el pequeño burgués se ha vuelto
invencible, sólo porque viste una camisa de tal o cual color y
acude a la llamada de Hitler o de Mussolini? Lo mismo podrían
decirnos que una vela, si se acierta a encenderla bien, puede dar
más luz que el faro eléctrico más poderoso.
Algunos críticos de nuestra época no ven el origen del fascismo
en el pequeño burgués, sino en la juventud, o en ambas
fuerzas a la vez. La teoría de la juventud es aún más extraña que
la del pequeño burgués. Desde that the world exists, has existed
antagonism between young and old, and this will probably
happening as the Earth is inhabited by our species.
But youth, as such, has never been a political party,
because all differences between men
play in young people. Are we to believe that children
of bank directors donned a
day according to the children of steelworkers to destroy together all privileges
bank directors and all organizations
of metal workers in order to establish on the ruins of the past
the radiant 'Youth League' of Fascists?
This theoretical dispute about fascism is more than a
is dedicated to speculate on sociology. In fact, it is a serious and painful issue
of enormous practical and political significance for the proletariat
. To defeat an enemy you have to know
well. The most common explanations of fascism,
fantastic and contrary to all logic, have persuaded Democrats and Socialists
your enemy capital today is a force
irrational, against which you can not fight with the resources
reason. It seems as if fascism had emerged as a
natural phenomenon like an earthquake, an elemental force
springs from the human heart and is not supported opposition. Sometimes the same fascist
support these trends, especially in Germany
when they say that it has completed
the reign of reason and logic to yield mechanical feeling,
the basic instincts of the nation. Socialists and Democrats,
although sometimes they are capable of defeating enemies political
current rate, it did not rely on
able to stop the onslaught of a "new religion." Distressed, seeking ways to curb
offensive fascist
sharpen the wits to win the petty bourgeois, or at least seeking conciliation with
el que al parecer ha pasado a ser el árbitro de las naciones.
Se intenta reorganizar el propio partido y movimiento para
ponerlo al nivel de la juventud. Pero a veces no se fía mucho en
las propias fuerzas para oponerse al nuevo cataclismo político.
En cambio, los enemigos aprovechan astutamente este ambiente
de pánico producido, como el que ocurrió en el campo democrático
y socialista de Alemania después de los acontecimientos de
1933. De esta manera, y según hacen creer, basta que cualquier
político reaccionario más o menos insolvente se ponga una camisa
de color, adiestre una cuadrilla de jovenzuelos y hable de
«derechos de la juventud» y of "national renewal, to overthrow
the most traditional liberal constitutions and the exodus
cause of all labor organizations, for
are solid.
Today more than ever necessary that the working class no longer confuse or demoralize
. By fanning the artificial fog scattered
fascism in all countries,
discover an ancient and well known to us, that is wonderful and mysterious
and does not bring any new religion or any new Golden Age
comes from not youth, or the petty bourgeoisie,
but often manage to fool knows
both: the capitalist counterrevolutionary
natural enemy of the working class conscious. Fascism is not just a
modern form of the bourgeois counter-capitalist movement disguised
popular. Actually, not quite correct
apply the same term 'fascism'
movements as different as are the party of Mussolini in Italy and
Hitler's party in Germany. Suffice it to recall that the Jewish
racial issue, the centerpiece of Nazi ideology, he does not deserve attention
Italian Fascism. But
everyday language of politics today called fascism at all
capitalist movements and counter
arising from a demagogic way and rely on a military organization
own, active and trained for civil war.
Since the beginning of the modern mode of production dominates in all civilized countries
bourgeois capitalism. However,
is easily understood that the capitalist class
never been able to impose its will on the masses through direct physical
own strength. It would be funny to imagine the manufacturers and bankers
personally taking up arms and subjecting the rest of the population
rifle and saber. The old feudal nobility
still able to dominate through their own physical strength, in fact,
with their heavy cavalry
armor was militarily superior to all other strata.
In a state that was governed by the workers or peasants, the class domi-nant
also exert physical force real.Los capitalists,
Rather, they govern indirectly. As
not till your goods personally or forged, or stand behind counters
stores to sell their products to
client can not be themselves their own army, their police and their constituencies
. Helpers and servers need to
produce, sell and govern.
capitalists do not dominate the state but as there are important sectors of
people who are considered sympathetic to your system and
willing to work for the capitalist, as well as vote and shoot
on their behalf, convinced that their own interest requires the maintenance of the capitalist economic order
.
assistants and servers
consciously or unconsciously in the service of modern European capitalism
are so numerous and heterogeneous. First of all, in most European countries
the capitalist system has reached some kind of
agreement with representatives of the old feudal order
precapitalist. It is clear that at first the bourgeoisie had to
impose their aspirations of power against the feudal
as revolutionary. To do this, the bourgeoisie claimed
representation of the nation against the feudal privileged minority, but as soon
horn victory was won, capitalists sought quickly
understanding with feudal elements, in order to combat
help the
socialist democratic demands or even the poor masses.
feudal tradition took the ideologies of authority, discipline,
virtues and ways of being military, which
are so important for the understanding of fascism.
The intellectual establishment also passed the old feudal period
the new bourgeois epoch, thus adapting to social
like he did in aristocratic society. But as the intellectual
not directly involved in the process of pro-duction
not produce surplus value for himself, but lives indirectly
of surplus value, also in the capitalist state its position
is somewhat irregular. Usually
is sincerely convinced that there is
material interests of capitalists, but the general interest of the nation
but because, "unfortunately, private property is necessary
" to the prosperity of the nation, European intellectual power
is forced to stand against socialism and capitalism
favor, even if it hurts. As
think your profession is to defend the interests of "common" and ideas "common
," the intellectual establishment tends to cover
bitter realities of class struggle with the sugary jam
national altruism.
On the basis of capitalist social pyramid
finally put the peasants and craftsmen, whose number is quite different
as what the specific conditions
development in different countries-and, finally, the vast army of workers
. All of them are more or less sensitive to the promises
capitalists, and this applies not only to farmers and artisans
. In Germany, even before the rise of Hitler,
a significant proportion of the workers voted to
bourgeois parties, in England there is still a respectable
number of factory workers who are conservative. The political
mechanism of a capitalist country in the nineteenth and twentieth
always been a very complicated issue. In the maintenance of capitalist equilibrium
always involved lots of different
forces and seemingly contradictory. Large movements
bourgeois mass
contemporary European history belong to two different types:
liberal and illiberal. Fascism has provided the most recent examples Movimas
mass bourgeois and anti-liberal.
The nineteenth-century bourgeois liberalism was based on
competition, and demanding peace and freedom. Freedom meant
in domestic politics, not government intervention and especially the greater economic autonomy
possible, it was agreed that
thing the state had to be reduced to a role of "caretaker".
peace and free trade were in foreign policy, this
system supplements that promised to mankind a Golden Age, as soon as
extended to everyone the free play of
economic forces. The liberal gospel of peace, freedom and free trade
excited the masses, classes
average and in many cases even the workers. In England,
liberalism was able to rule almost continuously since the electoral reform
year from 1832 to 1866, and from then until World War
, in turn, and in competition with the renewed
Conservative Party. In Germany,
liberalism prevailed in most of the country from 1848 to 1878 approximately
and a minority to the global war. It is true that there the
liberalism could never develop as in England, without
drawbacks. Could never rule by itself, but
was content with the crumbs of political power
you threw the feudal monarchy. The liberal era of France lasted from 1830 to 1848
under the "bourgeois king" Louis Philippe. Then, and
until 1870, was the period of dictatorship of Napoleon III, which in turn was relieved by
the liberal republic, although it had to
fight against the onslaught of anti-liberal movements to
beginning of the war. The kingdom of Italy was established as a state
liberal from the beginning, but under this
appearance hiding all kinds of heterogeneous forces and
anything liberal. In Russia, until the World War
bourgeois party also said liberalism; clear that under the regime of the Czars
political power was much less than the
of their counterparts in Germany.
However, in all major European nations academic citation
there we were opposed to liberal trends that
although supporters of the capitalist economic system,
not want anything to do with liberal principles.
deny the role of "watchdog" of the state and require instead a broad public power
intervention in economic life. When you oppose free trade liberal
the protective tariff, the liberal pacifism, the
expansionist imperialism. They do not want
reconciliation between the countries, but place the nation above everything.
reject and affirm democratic egalitarianism
instead the traditional differences between human beings. They want to be
native and firmly maintain the principle of authority.
It has long been understood that the basis of economic
this step of liberalism to a new
authoritarian conservatism is an inner transformation of the bourgeois
production process. Capitalism has
period of free competition in a new era of giant mergers
in a spirit of monopoly. This new monopoly capitalism
defend its national economic area
through protective tariffs, on the other hand, tries to win
field for exploitation by
conquest by force of other countries. No ideology serves peaceful and comfortable
liberal period; needs authority, centralization and strength.
is precisely the group of capitalists
larger and powerful, the owners of the giant monopoly enterprises
and related financial institutions, which first
departs from the liberal camp to turn to new methods
imperialists. Most of the capitalist middle and small
remains true for more time to the liberal tradition.
to seize power in the state, anti-liberal capitalist
have to win allies among the other strata.
The ablest leaders of the new imperialism even get more demagogic
liberals and Democrats
bourgeois. Sometimes they even fight against "petty
monetary interests" of liberalism under the banner of national support
the poor. The modern fascism
undoubtedly part of this series, and has come to develop a true virtuoso
kind of nationalist propaganda
is attached to this kind of politics.
In England, the party Conservative reorganized by Benjamin Disraeli based
imperialism gave the vote to
workers in cities, in 1867, to turn away from liberalism.
After this, and thanks to the votes of workers, the Conservative party could
for the first time in 1874
majority in the House of Commons. Under Disraeli, and later under
Chamberlain, were conservative in almost all
England aristocrats, the great financiers of the City, the owners of the
heavy industry, most intellectuals and critical
proportion of the industrial proletariat. All these elements
were united under the banner of national greatness.
In contrast, large segments of capitalism medium and small,
the petty bourgeoisie and even peasants followed for a long time
faithful to the ideals of liberalism. In France,
large banks and heavy industry funded
policy of so-called "national right" after 1871.
proclaimed the idea of \u200b\u200brevenge, the revenge
victorious war against Germany to regain lost national honor
at Sedan. It tried to revive all the traditions
military and monarchical. Insulting the Republic
calling it cowardly and unpatriotic, and announced the dictatorship of a national savior.
By the eighties, the person who seemed indicated
for this role was General Boulanger, who
was illustrated by the results of the elections, for a short time had
actually in your favor most of the people
French. At the beginning of the century, the French Republic was new
tively under serious threat of a coup militardemagógico.
The movement of the French right
relied on the ruling strata of society, part of the small
bourgeoisie and disoriented group of workers, while
who fought hard for the Democratic Republic
the socialist workers with large masses of the petty bourgeoisie.
In Germany the old-style liberals lost the majority in the Reichstag
since 1878. Heavy industry is in favor of the protective tariff
and develops along with the feudal aristocracy
programs for the army, navy and colonial expansion
. Military discipline and spirit
enthusiastic Prussian intellectuals. Democracy is seen as a despicable and anti-German
institution. The reserve officer
happens to be the ideal bourgeois life. In Protestant regions
Germany, from 1878 following the rural masses
Conservative Party, also deviates to the right proportion
important of the petty bourgeoisie. Heavy industry and undermine the intellectual henchmen
old and venerable liberalnacionalista
party until it has no more
liberal than the name. Liberal flag is in the hands of
tired old guard of the Liberal Democrats. In
Reichstag elections of 1887, the union under Bismarck
conservatives and industry representatives liberalnacionalistas heavy
reached majority. Under William II, but quickly grew
the strength of the Socialists, the Liberal Democrats lost
so, the Conservatives, together with the liberalnacionalistas
and the centrist Catholics, held a comfortable majority in the Reichstag
. Thus we see that during the last
third of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, both in Germany and
in England and France, traditional liberalism was losing ground
to be displaced by new imperialist and nationalist forces
TAS. In Germany the imperialists also
allied with the army, the Church and the intelligentsia, but not before 1914 did any movement
important and homogeneous mass, but
the various components of this trend
remained separate. The explanation is simple: the government of
Kaiser was so strong that no
depended on popular votes or parliamentary majorities. Enough that the national imperialism
dominate the Reich government wanted to get as
; could dispense even
electoral propaganda among the people, etc. In Germany the monarchical era,
the ruling classes did not have to dip into
resources of democracy to the same extent that the ruling classes of England and France
to that time. When the preacher
1 st Court, Stoecker, wanted to found in cities
mass movement demagogic, anti-liberal and anti-socialist, its
was thwarted by the government of the Reich, because
any movement of this kind of dominance hierarchies
of Germany have been forced to make concessions
the "greed of the masses", and this was precisely what
not interested. The Kaiser and the large capital
felt safer under the protection of the guard of Potsdam
under the patronage of the mass rallies organized by Stoecker.
The game and the opposition between liberal and illiberal bourgeois forces,
that significantly influenced the evolution of
England, France and Germany between 1871 and 1914,
seem to be missing in the corresponding period in Italian history. But this is only an appearance
; here too there were those trends.
Also in Italy, the old-school liberals were displaced by imperialism
big capital
that during the decade before World War triggered the conflict
offensive Tripoli and Balkan policy.
extreme nationalism directed its attacks against Austria, demanding the release of Italian brothers
of "irredentist" Trento and Trieste, and
sought by all means reduce the advantage achieved by large wealthy
Northern powers. But in Italy, the official party policy
was completely stuck in the quagmire of corruption
rooted in the semi-feudal
backward regions of central and southern peninsula. Social forces were not really active
but imperfectly its
expression in the Italian Parliament. Similarly, in the period preceding
World War, the great middle class is going to
Russian imperialism and became excited at the capture of Constantinople and other projects
prey Tsarist ministers.
At the same time, the Tsar's police officers sought to counter the revolution
creating a massive movement of loyalty to the monarchy. The dregs of infraproletariado
were bribed with liquor
and rubles, to oppose the socialist trade unions prohibited
some organizations' authentically Russian, "directed by
police. Anyway, we were able to form a mass movement
considerable whose "authentic Russian leagues' or
" Black Hundreds "covered themselves with glory organizing pogroms.
Also in Austria-Hungary, under the constitution of 1867, dominated the first
liberalism in the two parts of the empire,
if it is true that the self-styled liberal
Hungary were very strange sort, were recruited from the aristocracy
landowner and the financial oligarchy and the masses subdued
popular through the use of the most barbarous violence. For this reason
, Hungarian liberalism did not have to make the transition to the methods
imperialists.
traditional brutality was quite enough. The Hungarian Barbarian
state system with the layer was of a wild and unbridled nationalism
Hungary.
normal type liberalism prevailed in
Austria during the first decade after 1867, more or less like liberation of the German Reich
them around the same time. A late
70, the dominance of liberalism had been broken again.
Until his last moment, the feudalism of the Habsburgs
certainly be understood very well with big industrial capital and financial
. The companies that provided guns and armor plates
the Danubian monarchy, and they agreed with their titles
public debt, were unconditionally devoted to the emperor, and had hand
enough in court, even if they entered it
backroom. In contrast, Austria
systematically suppressed the influence of the media and liberal bourgeoisie
speaking German. He then founded the mass party of cristianosociales,
faithful to the emperor and the Catholic Church, was an agitator mass
first order, and managed to win a majority in
Vienna, had himself elected mayor of the capital and finally chief
parliamentary majority, with which the imperial government would have
in all circumstances. Lueger was the leader of the
modest people, the great capital had no direct relationship with the
party. Well, in the subsequent period of his life, Lueger was
one of the main pillars of the Habsburg monarchy,
whose existence, in turn, made possible the great
business capital. It was a comedy in which each represented their
role: in essence, the demagogic party Lueger, the emperor, his ministers
aristocrats and large
Viennese bankers pursuing a common goal.
Intellectuals Austrian German, and in particular young
the generation before World War were
very little satisfied with their social position. His eyes became nostalgic
, bypassing of border pillars,
the German Reich, where the Hohenzollern dynasty
allowed the student youth participation in power in Austria
, however, the Government favored in
all points to the Slavs and the Germans postponed. Moreover, the Christian intellectuals suffered
the large and active Jewish
competition. German youth of Austria would have good beats
service of a far-sighted national imperialism, but nobody needed
. The Austrian government was far less than
pro-German tendency, nor
high financial oligarchy. So is that certain sectors of the German youth in Austria
felt hurt and taken less, which is why it was so extreme
Germanic nationalism and hatred against everything
was not German. This curious phenomenon of a young university sector
Germans felt before
1914, belonging to a people conquered and subdued, there would
could occur between members of the League
student and reserve officers on Reich of William II, but instead
existed between students
nationalist Pan-Germans and Austria. His romantic nationalist and xenophobic
their fanatical hatred were infected to some young workers and small
bourgeois. Such was the environment in which Adolf Hitler came
when he reached the German Reich, but as things had changed a lot
in Germany since 1918, was not
the need to change its ideological baggage.
demagogic nationalism
easily find an object that allows you to verify daily superiority, and on which to vent their instincts
vindictive. The "poor white" of American States Southern
hated blacks, but at the same
Time needed them because lynchings were an outlet valve
their passions. The same thing happened to the Turks
the time of Abdul Hamid, when mistreated the Armenians.
Bohemia German youth was in the same
aggressive stance against the Czechs, and Czech
young patriots paid the German nationalists eye for eye, tooth for tooth
. However, the more useful and convenient target of this class
instincts have always been Jews.
movement in liberal and nationalist movements in Europe before 1914, the Jewish question
played a special role. The infraproletarios Russian
inflame anti-Jewish left with the same ease
intellectuals and petty bourgeois elements
central Europe.
The League of authentic Russian
pursue essentially lived the Jews. Lueger built his Christian-social party base
anti-Semitic propaganda as the main theme. When the preacher Stoecker
Berlin wanted to trigger a mass movement
monarchist and Christian, his first action was
also attack the Jews. Until the French nationalism
end of the century was strongly anti-Semitic; casually
contributed to this the fact of being at that time France
divided into two parties, who argued with great
flushing the guilt or innocence of the Jewish officer Dreyfus.
gives much to think about IE, even before World War
mass movements and nationalist anti-liberal of the three or four major European nations
were associated with IE
Semitism. Indeed, in Austria, the German nationalists and cristianosociales
vied for primacy in the
Jew-hatred. In contrast, before 1914 there was in Hungary a considerable anti-Semitic movement
: the rich Jews of Budapest
were friends of the ruling oligarchy. In Italy, where
very small number of Jewish families Hebrew
contained precisely among the most active forces of modern imperialism.
there, nor in England, there was no political
Semitism. As regards the problem of organizing the State
, reactionary mass movement in Russia,
Austria-Hungary and Germany were staunch supporters of the authoritarian monarchy
existing, and all values \u200b\u200b
supposed ideals embodied the same . In France, right
was undemocratic and only tolerated the Republic, to
most, as a lesser evil, the most exalted
patriotic movement expected the coup, and after the dictatorship
military or the restoration of the monarchy. In Italy,
constitutional issue was not present before 1914. In England,
most labor masses and the middle classes
were unconditional supporters of parliamentary
order, therefore, any political group that had fed
dictatorial ideas would have settled themselves
same politically. The Conservative Party therefore sought
imposed within the constitutional parliamentary framework.
men like Disraeli and Chamberlain boasted of ruling
electoral majority.
As we have seen, we call fascist ideology and
was widely shown in Europe prior to World War
. But except for a single country, was unknown
the specific tactics of shock troops that is characteristic of fascism
today. The only exception was constituted by the
Black Hundreds in Tsarist Russia, and its activity in the pogroms.
In fact, the tactics of fascist shock troops
a social phenomenon is very curious, which seems contrary to all rules
political logic.
violence by the ruling classes on the subject certainly
is so old as history of human civilizations.
The capitalist class Europe, in particular, has never hesitated to apply the maximum hardness
and massive blood spills
when their power has been threatened by socialism or even
nothing more than popular-style democracy.
In 1848 and 1871, the French capitalist class crushed the Paris workers
by carnage. Bismarck
chained to the German working class from 1878 to 1890 with
repressive anti-socialist legislation. However, it seems logical that the ruling class
exercise state power through the corresponding ap-
time created, after all, for that purpose, authority, police and judiciary
have to fight against subversion and
when it is not sufficient, the army should intervene.
In some particular cases of emergency, the ruling class can reinforce state power
by volunteers or mercenaries, but
no longer the official state power
who fight directly against the revolution through the means at its disposal, the canyons and
decrees. While the oppressed feel weak, opposed
little or no resistance to the ruling class and state power
. If you feel strong, they resort to arms, and then there is
civil war. The popular uprising
disrupts the normal functioning of the state apparatus, both parties
take up arms and fight to the final outcome.
know this process, followed by the English Revolution
seventeenth century, the French and Russian xviii xx.
The shock troops of the fascist type
not seem to square with any chance of normal political struggle.
existence is a testament to the lack of national agreement, but no equals
declared civil war. The enemies of the Government,
certainly are bothering the ruling classes, but
not have enough strength to raise the issue of power in an uprising
declared. To counter this opposition,
the government and the ruling classes do not move oder
regular and normal, but some hosts
volunteers recruited from the masses, to strike, beat or kill all
persona non grata, destroyed or looted their belongings,
up a wave of violence and terror, all to drown
any opposition. The actions of these shock troops of the fascist type
contravene the laws of the country. In
under the law, men
shock forces should be taken to court and thrown in prison.
But this never happens in reality. When they are judged, is
to cover appearances: whether or not any penalty is imposed, or are
pardoned immediately. Either way, society
dominant showing in a thousand ways their sympathy and gratitude to the heroes of
shock brackets.
What conditions make it possible, as political activity
impact forces? In contemporary European history, the first
obvious and important example of this phenomenon is now so well known
provided the pogroms of "black
centuries" Russia in October 1905. The first condition
total shock after the regular state power. Currently, the ruling class
doing everything possible to strengthen the authority
government agencies. In general opinion,
the state is the personification of public affairs, common
interest. The judiciary is the expression of "impartiality" of
justice. Respect to the State and its authorities, faith in the
force of law, is one of the most powerful weapons in the hands of the ruling class
. The dominant classes
only go to other means when they can not be imposed
security only through the law and police, in view of the revolutionary crisis
totally shocked the country.
The Government and the authorities themselves
avoid direct collision with the revolutionaries, democrats, socialists and Jews
. But the day comes when you wake the "wrath of the people
" in which stands the honest man of the people,
still respect God, the Fatherland and the King, to crush the rebels and restore convicted EI
power of legitimate authority.
It is true that popular anger if that were true, it would have occurred even
the crisis. For this reason, it is necessary to fabricate
the anger of the patriotic masses.
In October 1905, against the powerful current revolutionary
Russian government realized that it was not possible simply to meet their
police and Cossacks and order them to charge against the socialist
TAS and Jews. What he did was create using
police a type popular patriotic movement, anti-liberal and anti-Semitic, and
these shock troops were sponsored proxy against the Jews and revolutionaries.
This established a sort of division of labor:
the tsarist government did not assume direct responsibility or official
the atrocities committed by the heroes of the pogroms. Could
-rode against foreign and
public opinion, even though many governors and police chiefs
support to the "Black Hundreds" with cynical frankness.
other side were the many conservatives and supporters of the Tsar,
that wanted nothing to do with the methods the pogrom. There
officials and even ministers
declared their strong condemnation of them.
not at all necessary that the entire ruling class is
agree, at any given time, with the shock troops and their
methods. Normally there will be differences of opinion.
liberal tendency of the bourgeoisie and certain
strictly authoritarian conservatives, failed squads
shock and methods of fascism. But the working class
commits one of his worst mistakes when fooled by such differences.
Whatever may be the
views about the tactics, the shock troops of Fascist
longer be flesh of the flesh of dominant capitalism. It is true that in such circumstances
has three branches in the state,
dominant capitalism, fascism and social democracy;
never more than two, capitalists and fascists on one side, Democrats and Socialists
other. The absurdity of the theory of origin "
petty bourgeois" of fascism is dangerous because it tends to obscure this simple truth
the eyes of the working class, when
presents the facts as follows: first, the dominant capitalism,
then the petty-bourgeois fascist opposition, and thirdly
proletarian socialist opposition. If it is accepted
this division in three fields, one could imagine all sorts of tricks and compromises:
alliance of socialists and fascists against the dominant capitalism,
or coalition of socialists and capitalists
truly conservative liberal fascism, or any other lemonade
color. The illusions of this kind have led to the greatest calamities
the proletariat of Germany, Italy and other countries
.
In 1909, Trotsky wrote about mobilizing
pogroms in October 1905
For that crusade, the Russian government recruited a
forces almost everywhere, in all dens, taverns and nightclubs
vice. There he saw to hawkers and vagrants, a
bartenders and drunks, lackeys and spies, thieves and descuideros,
to small artisans and brothel keepers, a hungry mujiks
who vegetated submerged in mental darkness, the people
newcomers perhaps head and dazed by the noise of the machines
.
The first attempts to mobilize these amorphous masses were
made by the police earlier rusojaponesa war,
when street demonstrations were needed to
support the Government's war policy. Trotsky continues:
Since that time, the planned organization of social
slag would have experienced a tremendous growth and although the mass
participants in the pogroms, if you can talk
mass in this case, it was still more or less
eventually, the core of the troops was always disciplined and organized on military lines
. This core was the top receiving
the slogan and the password for transmission to
down, and was also the one that determined the timing and scope of al-
bloody action to execute.
refer here only those features of
Russian pogroms and the Black Hundreds that are relevant to
relationship with the natural history of fascism. To prepare for action, based on local
corresponding a diary of the "black
century." Shortly after making an appearance some
specialists from other cities. Then start running the rumors
accurate: that if the Jews are planning a massacre
Orthodox Christians, that if the Socialists had desecrated a holy
image, that if students have destroyed a portrait of Czar
. Then ban lists are made, detailing
people and homes that are to be pillaged and destroyed
first. The appointed day, the "Black Hundreds" is
gather in churches for a church.
then stirred a tide of national flags, while a band plays continuously
patriotic marches. Slowly start to break the first window
mistreating and passersby.
then heard some shots, which claims to have been fired
by socialists and Jews against the "peaceful" demonstrators
nationalist rises a cry of vengeance, and begins
then looting, beatings and murder at will.
The police are there, but passive, because it can not
help victims of nationalist pogrom. But enough that
Jews and socialist workers try an organized resistance,
police to intervene and if necessary even
army. Legitimate proletarian defense is crushed and
pogrom continues. In autumn 1905, the "Black Hundreds"
killed 4,000 people in a hundred cities in Russia, excluding all other crimes
. As regards their size,
this movement of "real Russians"
can be compared with recent achievements of black and brown shirts. In
a time of maximum tension revolutionary
when millions of workers were on strike, peasants revolted
in large counties and the soldiers and sailors began to mutiny
, nevertheless it was possible to collect hundreds of thousands of individuals
popular classes Russia's most miserable for
form the shock troops of the counterrevolution.
hatred of Jews, obtuse and fanatical nationalism, bribery and alcohol
contributed to unite the masses of small traders
infraproletarios and some other real worker. Also
career criminals, attracted by the opportunity to steal and kill with impunity
, crews were incorporated by
forces of impact. Moreover, for all individuals who are impoverished and demoralized
is very tempting to join the squad
shock, since as members of these fascist forces
tolerated by the authorities are redeemed
of his insignificance and turned into powerful beings, owners
of life of their peers. Trotsky notes about it, with fine psychological insight
:
The shirtless has become master. He who makes a
time was still a slave trembling
harassed by police and hunger, now feels omnipotent despot:
everything is allowed, everything is yours. He owns honors and estates,
lives and deaths. If you feel like it, throw out the window of a
third floor of an old along with a grand piano,
crash a chair over the head of a child, raped a girl before
the eyes of the crowd. No martyrdom of which is capable of inventing a brain
mad with rage and liquor is prohibited
him, everything is yours, God save the Tsar! Once he had conquered
counterrevolution in Russia, the pogroms
were no longer needed, and became leaders
powers to order and legality. But the Russian example shows that
a government or ruling system has had to resort to terror
shock troops to hold, despite all
has its days numbered. No people can forget
systematic destruction of all traditional concepts of law, order and justice
carry the pogroms. The new flood of revolution
carries with it the inexorable destruction and revenge. From
the bloody autumn of 1905, Nicholas II was no longer
czar all the Russias by the grace of God, but only
infamous head of the "Black Hundreds." The exploits of pogroms
could not save the Tsar.
With the exception of Russia, in any other major European power,
1914, corruption was so far ahead of the state
authority. Therefore, anti-liberal and nationalist movements
had not thought of organizing
terrorist shock troops. However, the consequences of World War
the general social crisis that prevailed in Europe since 1919 ensured the methods
a period of renewed pogrom.
